Eight months after Georgia’s rigged parliamentary elections, the government in Tbilisi is reaching new milestones of democratic backsliding. It has begun to censor opposition TV channels for using terms it doesn’t like, and to prosecute members of the public for Facebook posts that insult Georgian Dream, the ruling party. On 23 June, it introduced two new bills: one limiting the provisions in the freedom of speech and expression law and another one practically banning the media from covering court trials.
But this paints only a limited picture of what has happened to free speech and free expression here in Georgia over the past year. Media freedom in the country is hanging by a thread. It may be just a matter of months until that thread breaks and we, as independent media outlets and journalists, are no longer able to function.
Four years ago, after a series of brutal assaults on journalists by the far right, we thought, “What could be worse than this?” Today our challenges include physical security, digital security, pressure from new laws, hate campaigns, targeted attacks on individual media outlets and journalists, financial sanctions, and now criminal prosecution. Mzia Amaghlobeli, the founder of independent outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, is facing up to seven years in prison.
In Georgia, being a journalist does not protect you from physical assault, from fines, or from prison.
After securing a nominal majority in the recent rigged parliamentary election, Georgian Dream has sought to maintain its power by accelerating a roll-out of repressive laws. In the past two years, the government has adopted at least sixteen repressive laws and amendments. A number of them target the press directly. The authorities now have the laws in place to menace our very existence.
When the police become the threat
In today’s Georgia, there is no one left to physically protect journalists from assault. During the past year, and especially following the decision on 28 November 2024 to halt the country’s EU integration process, the police have been collaborating in assaults on journalists instead of providing protection.
During the November-December protests, more than 100 assaults were documented against journalists and employees of media outlets. Some of the victims received life-threatening injuries. None of the incidents have been investigated, even cursorily.

Georgian Dream recently announced that the Special Investigation Service (SIS), which is nominally responsible for investigating complaints against the police, would become directly responsible to the public prosecutor’s office.
Even before this, the SIS was clearly impotent. I was myself a party to several “investigations” into police actions that had directly violated my rights as a journalist. I would go to see the SIS with my lawyers, and we would discuss the matter for hours. They would give the impression that they cared about the case. But there was never follow-up and the cases were never resolved.
AI-powered fines
The Special Investigation Service may not be working, but the government’s brand-new AI-face recognition technology is. Cameras are installed on Rustaveli Avenue, Tbilisi’s main street and the heart of the protests.
The police now have less to do than ever in order to fine people ₾5,000 (€1,600) for “blocking the roadway”, a recently created offence.
It is not just protesters being targeted by this new law. For covering the protests as a journalist, I have accrued ₾20,000 (€6,400) in fines on the basis of this law. Even the “evidence” they have presented shows me wearing a press badge and a camera. The system does not care any more.
So far, over twenty journalists have been fined on the basis of the roadway-blocking law. At first, a few reporters had their fines cancelled after appealing to the interior ministry. But just a few days ago, my first appeal was rejected. All four of my fines look set to remain in effect.
When a journalist is nearly killed on Rustaveli Avenue by the riot police, the AI surveillance system is apparently insufficient for the case to be investigated. But when a peaceful protester stands on Rustaveli, the same cameras are swift to notify the authorities, who will later issue a fine. Even when a journalist is assaulted in the middle of the day, with a police car and police officers stationed nearby, no investigation takes place.
The law is now a weapon against us
Despite the succession of new laws, one thing has now become clear: the rule of law no longer exists in Georgia. Instead, the authorities are using laws, the police and the courts to punish those who try to resist or to reveal the true nature of the system.
Thinking back to last year, it is clear we made a mistake. We obsessed over the text of the first foreign-agent law, and what we might do to survive that law. That precious time would probably have been better spent on covering the election campaign and the possible risks that a new electronic voting system would introduce to our democracy.
In the end, Georgian Dream never made use of the first foreign-agent law. The second such law, called FARA, just came into force. Lessons learned. (FARA resembles the 1938 US Foreign Agents Registration Act law in that its ostensible aim is to unmask people or organisations who work for foreign entities.)
I no longer think it matters what the law says. Today, if Georgian Dream doesn’t like someone, they will go after them. If FARA were to be enforced as written, then thousands of people will have to be jailed. Will this happen? Probably not, or at least not yet. But there will be exemplary punishments to create fear and anxiety.
That anxiety already exists. My own outlet, OC Media, has first-hand experience. Just recently, our landlord of six years cancelled our office’s rental contract. For weeks we met property owners who refused to rent to us because they were afraid of what might happen to them if they did.
Why we do what we do
As Georgia sinks rapidly into authoritarianism, being a journalist means taking serious risks. The risk of physical assault. The risk of receiving huge fines for covering protests, or for simply doing one’s job under the new FARA law. The risk of five years’ jail for not being registered as a “foreign agent”.
The risk of becoming the target of a smear campaign by propaganda TV channels and government-affiliated channels on social media. The risk of losing your salary, your office, your gear. And, if you are not a citizen but have been living here for years (as is the case for a significant part of our team), the serious risk that soon you will not be let back into the country.
Among those journalists and media outlets that have steadfastly endured these risks over the past three years, the vast majority claim not to be scared. Or perhaps they are, but they don’t show it. They continue stubbornly to do their jobs.
I am often asked by those outside Georgia, “What can I do now to help?” It’s too late, I think. There was a chance this could have been prevented. Today, we are losing control of events. It will be much harder to stop the slide. But we can still spread the word about the situation in my country.
I am often asked by those outside Georgia, “What can I do now to help?” It’s too late, I think. […] But we can still spread the word about the situation in my country
We can keep putting pressure on Georgian Dream officials and its founder, the oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili. We can continue the policy of non-recognition of the government. We can be flexible about funding people who work on the ground, who are trying various solutions in order to survive. In short, we can keep supporting those who haven’t given up and continue to fight.
When I am out at the protests with my colleagues, we discuss how our life will be in prison if it comes to that. We share our experiences on how we got our fines, or the reasons used for rejecting our appeals. We talk about how someone’s court trial went. The oppression has become a part of our daily life. Yet, while the future seems bleak, this solidarity among journalists is as strong as ever.

Why do we keep doing our jobs despite all the risks? It is something I think about a lot, and there are many explanations. I believe quality journalism can have a significant impact and that it is something that authoritarian governments do not like. That is why they’ve done everything I’ve listed above. This fact signals to me that, now more than ever, it is important for us to keep doing our jobs.
Secondly, I love journalism. I cannot imagine doing anything else with the same passion. And I cannot imagine doing it anywhere else. This is where I was born.
Finally, we cannot give up now. Journalists like Mzia Abaghlobeli sit in jail while we enjoy the privilege of being outside. Somehow, we are still allowed to do what we do. We have to use this opportunity as long as we can. It may help someone. Even if it helps just one person, it will be worth it.
IPI calls the EU to react to the latest crackdown on free press |
“In the last week Georgian Dream (GD) has passed legislation to make it far easier to prosecute journalists for defamation, it has imposed new restrictions on reporting from courts, and a court in Batumi has extended the detention of Mzia Amaghlobeli despite medical reports that her vision has deteriorated dangerously while in prison,” says the International Press Institute (IPI) in a statement released on 30 June. The organisation for protecting the free press calls the “European Union and its member states to step up pressure on Georgia and stem the rapid descent into authoritarianism. The effective pressure must be applied to not only the Georgian Dream officials but every decision maker as well as judges, responsible for this crackdown on media, capture of the public broadcaster and ongoing impunity for crimes against journalists.” IPI also renews its call on GD to “repeal repressive laws, including the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) and recent amendments to the Law on Broadcasting and the Law on Grants.” It urges the Georgian Dream-led parliament “to withdraw the recently adopted amendments to the Law on Freedom of Expression, as well as the amendments restricting media coverage of court proceedings”, and reiterates its call for “the release of unjustly jailed veteran Georgian journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli, who has become a symbol of the resilience of Georgian media.” |
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